本文利用追蹤資料向量自我迴歸模型,檢證 2003~2012 年中美外援非洲的動機與成效。結果顯示,大國外援有相同之處:兩者外援目的,都不是基於國際道義考量,但大國外援也存在差異的地方:中國外援以現實利益為主,目的為確保其企業海外投資安全。美國外援則不局限在經濟利益而已,更加側重非傳統安全領域;換言之,美援強調的是綜合利益。中美兩國外援模式差異,肇因於彼此政府對自身所處國際體系地位的認知不同。
In this paper, we used the panel data vector autoregression model (PVAR) to test motivation and effectiveness of the U.S. and China’s foreign aid (FA) in Africa. Empirical results show similarities in the great power’s foreign aid: the purpose of both great power’s FA is not based on international moral considerations. However there are also major differences between these two great power’s FA. Chinese FA is based on real interests and mainly aims to ensure safety of its outward foreign dire..
相對於泰國與馬來西亞,印尼是東南亞最早發展汽車業的國家,也有內需市場支撐,但是印尼並沒有像泰國成為亞洲的底特律,也沒有如馬來西亞建立起國家汽車品牌,而成為「有市場無技術」的「無科技工業化」。本文以政治經濟學領域中的「制度分析」途徑,就國家干預、政商關係、跨國產業分工等三個角度分析印尼汽車產業失靈的原因。受限於印尼政治經濟的結構因素,本文發現印尼汽車產業失靈的原因在於:在產業發展時期國家的干預政策沒有「學習」與「管理」市場;本土資本未建立產業所需相對的供應鏈,..
With respect to Thailand and Malaysia, Indonesia was first in Southeast Asia to develop a automotive industry, supported by the domestic market. But Indonesia did not become the “Detroit of Asia” as Thailand, or establish national brands as Malaysia. On the contrary, Indonesia is a “huge market without technology,” an “Industry Without Industrialization.” This paper adopts an institutionalist approach with three aspects – state intervention, government-business relations, a..
2015 年 11 月,緬甸完成了歷史性的國會大選,由翁山蘇姬(Aung San Suu Kyi)帶領的全國民主聯盟一如外界預期獲得勝選。2016 年 3 月,緬甸新國會即將產生新的總統,進一步成為挑戰軍系勢力、推動戒律式民主 (disciplined democracy)再改造的關鍵領導人。緬甸民主發展正面臨脆弱轉型之際,儘管全民盟的勝選有利於延續緬甸之春(Burma Spring)的改革能量,但鑲嵌在制度設計中的各種「透明的不正義」(transparen..
Myanmar has successfully held its general election on November 8th 2015. As predicted, the National League for Democracy(NLD)led by Daw Aung San Suu Ki won the election, becoming the majority in the parliament. A new president, according to the Constitution, will be elected by the NLD- led parliament by March 2016, who may push forward political transformation of disciplined democracy while challenging the Tatmadaw. The winning of NLD will, for sure, invigorate Burma Spring; however, transparent injustice embedded in the Cons..
長期困擾菲律賓內部安定的菲律賓共產黨(菲共),似乎是目前世界各恐怖組織的異數。因為菲共雖然面臨資源匱乏和策略工具失靈的困境,而數度瀕臨瓦解。不過,由於組織紀律嚴謹、戰略目標明確、意識形態完備加上能夠快速地調整形態,使得該組織仍得以續存迄今。 然而,就菲共的發展歷程、組織結構和治理經驗來觀察,可以發現如何汲取和運用社會資本似乎就成為菲共尋求生存發展的主要策略,因此社會資本與菲共的關聯性研究,也就成為本文亟待論證和剖析的命題所在。 ..
The Communist Party of the Philippines, CPP, has threatened domestic stability of the Philippines for a long time. CPP has been regarded as a deviant case of terrorist organizations in the world. Facing resource scarcity, strategic failure, and looming collapse, CPP retained unambiguous strategic targets, a strong ideology, and functioned under strict discipline. Its survival has been attributed to its efficient application of social capital. Thus, in this paper, we undertake an important task closely analyze CPP’s developmental proce..
本文為尋求解釋泰國在柏威夏寺爭議中的動機及柬埔寨的回應,將領土衝突與國族認同及國內政治等面向作出連結,揭示在以絕對控制的邊界觀為基礎的現代國族國家體系中,領土的歷史變遷在國族主義建構過程所扮演的角色,及其為政治人物留下可操作的空間。為達政治目的,政治菁英可選擇製造或操縱國族認同;同時,利用歷史的形塑或詮釋作為策略武器,引導國內觀眾朝向其所欲的結果,來為政權產生並提高政治正當性。不過,從實存的歷史發展過程來看,這種舉動經常會伴隨難以預料的後果。泰、柬柏威夏寺的..
This article explores the linkage among territory, nationalism and domestic politics through a case study of the Preah Vihear Temple dispute between Thailand and Cambodia. In the process of transformation from traditional kingdoms to modern nation-states, territorial changes are very important for nationalism and nation-building. They can provide political elites with chances to manipulate and secure self interest. To fan the flames of nationalism, political leaders or elites often re-construct and re-write national history a..
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